I support President Barack Obama's efforts to find a diplomatic path to end Iran's nuclear ambitions.
When many in the United States and abroad criticized the start of the negotiations in November 2013, I pointed out that such diplomacy is in the best traditions of our country.
All recognize the danger of an Iran with nuclear weapons and share the same goal - to guarantee Iran does not have the capacity to develop a bomb. If we can eliminate such a danger through diplomatic means, we should do so. If we must resort to military action to eliminate the threat, the world will know that we first exhausted all diplomatic options.
Most now admit that the interim negotiation has been positive. Under the Joint Plan of Action, Iran has rolled back its stockpile of enriched uranium, frozen other activities that are part of its nuclear program and allowed intrusive inspections by the International Atomic Energy Agency to guarantee compliance with the interim deal. The U.S. and other western nations have provided limited sanctions relief as promised. Iran remains the most heavily sanctioned country in the world.
Any final deal must cut off Iran's pathways to a nuclear bomb and be enforceable over time.
It must also include a reasonable review process in Congress. The negotiation is about Congress - what must Iran do in order to have statutory sanctions progressively dismantled and repealed. The stakes for the security of the U.S., our allies and the international community couldn't be higher. So what is the best way for Congress to be involved?
As part of a bipartisan group of 14 senators, I introduced a bill last month to structure congressional consideration of a deal - not undercutting negotiations.
The Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act would require the president to submit any final agreement to Congress for a 60-day review period before congressional sanctions are suspended. Congress can either approve lifting sanctions or take no action, which has the same effect. If Congress rejects the sanctions relief - and its resolution survives a veto - the penalties remain in effect.
Our bill accomplishes four objectives:
First, it guarantees Congress a clear role in any final deal related to the sanctions that Congress enacted. This process will ensure that this is a good deal for Americans and also will help educate the public about the important security issues at stake.
Second, the bill gives appropriate deference to the administration in negotiating. I oppose efforts to pass new sanctions during the negotiation because that would make things more difficult for our negotiators and would strengthen hardliners in Iran. Our bill makes clear that the president retains the ability to give relief from executive or international sanctions without congressional approval. Only when an agreement is reached reducing statutory sanctions would Congress be required to review the final deal.
Third, more congressional involvement should reassure some of our allies in the Middle East that America remains committed to curbing and counterbalancing Iranian influence in the region. In the past year, I've made multiple visits to the region to meet with leaders, including Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on two occasions, and to discuss this major challenge. The Iranian regime's public hostility to Israel is well known and deeply troubling. The guarantee of a public debate and review of the deal in Congress will offer U.S. allies additional reassurance that we remain committed to the security of our partners.
Finally, the process sends a clear signal to Iran about its key goal - the elimination of congressional sanctions. We want Iran to make big concessions, not modest ones. And there is little chance that it will do so based on a deal announced by the White House without congressional buy-in.
A strong deal to end Iran's pursuit of nuclear weapons is clearly in the interests of the entire world. A bad deal, or no deal, could be catastrophic. I wish the negotiators well in this final phase. Appropriate congressional review of a final deal can improve the chances of finding our way to a transformative result.
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